The Experience of Ethnic Minority Workers Essay Example

not have written statements or contracts explaining their specific employment details. This caused anxiety for both informally and lawfully employed workers. Job security in the sector was perceived poorly.

Many workers, especially those working informally, were constantly worried about losing their jobs. Even longer-term workers in regular employment felt insecure due to the increasing use of casual and temporary staff. Training opportunities for migrant workers, particularly in restaurants, were minimal and only focused on basic health and safety and fire procedures. However, some hotel managers acknowledged the lack of training in the past and now provided their staff with the opportunity to pursue National Vocational Qualifications.

Problems at work

The interviewees frequently expressed concerns about the poor working conditions in their sector. These included low wages, long hours, unpaid overtime, and inadequate health and safety standards. Many viewed these issues as inherent to their line of work rather than recognizing them as specific problems. Identified issues encompassed insufficient pay, excessively lengthy working hours, heavy workloads, difficulties in taking time off, occurrences of bullying and verbal abuse (including racial harassment), challenges in getting along with co-workers, lack of proficiency in English language skills, and incidents of theft from the workplace. Kitchens were particularly prevalent settings for instances of bullying and verbal abuse towards chefs.

However, some people accepted this as simply being the attitude in the kitchen. Occasionally, the mistreatment had a racial aspect, with servers being called "bloody foreigners" as a form of maltreatment. Some servers also regularly faced racist maltreatment from customers at the eating establishments. In one hotel, several employees experienced bullying from a manager, resulting in sick leave due to

stress. The staff believed that there was an ulterior motive of trying to get rid of long-standing employees and replacing them with cheaper casual staff. Multiple interviewees felt that opportunities for promotion were hindered by discrimination based on race, ethnicity, nationality, or age, as well as the restrictions imposed by work licenses or visa regulations.

There were long-term workers who believed that they were not being recognized for their age and were increasingly facing job competition from younger staff. However, some employees saw opportunities to advance with the support of a director. Unfortunately, certain employers imposed restrictions on who was deemed suitable for "front-of-house" positions such as receptionists or servers, based on factors like ethnicity, gender, and age.

Some employers openly expressed a preference for white staff or a desire for a "balance" of white and colored front-of-house staff, claiming that it was what their clients wanted. The research uncovered that this industry exhibited a level of racial stereotyping that would not be deemed acceptable in other sectors. Interestingly, in the main interviews, the interviewees did not bring up any health and safety concerns when discussing workplace issues, indicating an acceptance of the inherent risks associated with this particular line of work.

During the interviews, several issues were discussed. These issues encompassed burns from working in hot kitchens, cramped workspaces, strains on the back and shoulders, and fatigue resulting from long hours and heavy workloads. The primary responsibility for health and safety, specifically in preventing burns, was commonly attributed to the employees rather than their employers. A significant number of workers believed that there was limited scope for addressing the difficulties they encountered at work or thought

that quitting their job was their only recourse. Nonetheless, a few workers had taken proactive steps by communicating their concerns with their manager.

UK workers lacked knowledge about their employment rights and where to find information or guidance. They were also uncertain about the terms and conditions of their employment due to a lack of written documentation. It should be noted that individuals who had been in the UK for longer periods and those who were members of trade unions had a better understanding of their workplace rights.

While some respondents found trade unions helpful, most workers had no experience with them. Union organization faced challenges in the sector including high staff turnover, a lack of union culture, and unsympathetic employers. However, there was a rise in union membership at a London hotel and its branches due to recruitment campaigns offering information in multiple languages. Certain respondents had already sought or intended to seek help from community organizations for work-related matters.

However, the level of community support varied between the three regions. London and the West Midlands had well-established administrations representing various cultural groups. In contrast, the South West had less developed structures in place. Seeking assistance from community organizations can be both beneficial and problematic for employees within the same cultural community. Some fear that seeking advice may lead to gossip that could affect their future job prospects. Among the few workers who sought help, they had utilized organizations such as Citizen's Advice, Acas, and a now defunct project for service workers.

While a small number of people were aware of Citizen’s Advice, a couple had the idea that the service excluded them because of its name, which

implied that it was only for British citizens.

Conclusions and recommendations

While many of the working conditions and issues highlighted in this study are common to workers in this sector, several characteristics were found that differentiate the experience of cultural minority and migrant workers. These include immigration status, working in the informal sector, discrimination in the labor market and employment, and low expectations that lead to acceptance of poor working conditions. For cultural minority and migrant workers, the difficulties in identifying and resolving issues are related to both their individual circumstances and the nature of work in this sector. Recent migrant workers may have limited English language skills and little to no knowledge of UK employment rights and support systems.

The difficulties in addressing problems in the sector are compounded by several factors. These include the belief that there is always a pool of available workers to replace those who complain, a lack of union representation, and a culture of poor human resources practices such as inadequate training and information provision. Additionally, many minority and migrant workers in this sector are employed in informal positions. It seems that there is also a lack of monitoring or enforcement regarding employers' compliance with employment laws in this industry. To fully understand the experiences and motivations of cultural minority and migrant workers in hotels and restaurants, further research is needed.

The research conducted classified different schemes that highlight how individuals perceive their work choices. Some people feel they are making strategic moves in relation to their job, while economic factors and restrictions have a larger influence on others. The schemes range from Career progression to Broadening opportunities, Stepping stone, Pragmatic acceptance, and

No option. The research provides various recommendations on how to improve the status of this vulnerable group of workers by enhancing their access to employment rights and information.

The text discusses improvements in working conditions, job opportunities, and support and advice for cultural minority and migrant workers in the hotel and restaurant industry. It introduces a qualitative research project that aimed to explore their experiences and challenges. The project sought to identify the range of experiences and challenges faced by these workers, as well as understand their access to and utilization of support and advice for resolving these challenges.

The research focuses on the challenges experienced by cultural minority and migratory workers, an area that has received less attention in this country. Its purpose is to provide insights for policy-making, aiming to enhance the employment conditions and mitigate job market problems faced by these workers. Furthermore, it seeks to improve the availability of support and guidance resources for them. The primary recipients of these research findings and policy objectives are employers.

The project is supported by statutory organic structures, the voluntary sector, trade brotherhoods, and community groups. Wright and Pollert provided a working paper at the beginning of the project.

A study conducted in 2005 focused on identifying cultural minority and migratory workers in the hotel and restaurant industry. Its main objective was to address the challenges faced by these workers. The project website contains the results of this study, which revealed that a considerable proportion of individuals employed in hotels and restaurants belong to cultural minority groups or are migratory workers. For example, data from the 2001 census showed that approximately 59% of workers in London identified themselves

as something other than White British (Wright and Pollert, 2005:27).

Outside of London, the distribution of the UK's cultural minority population varies. In the West Midlands region, for example, White British workers comprised the majority (84%) in hotels and eating houses in 2001. The two largest minority groups were White other (2.9%) and Bangladeshi (2%).

Statistics indicate that the hotel and restaurant industry in the UK is highly dependent on foreign workers, with a significant number of employees from Bangladesh (3%) and India (2.2%). This sector plays a crucial role for certain demographics, as 52% of male Bangladeshi workers are employed in restaurants, in contrast to only 1% of white males (Holgate, 2004:21). In London, non-UK migrant workers make up 60% of the workforce in the hotel and restaurant sector according to GLA.

In London, the composition of hotel and restaurant workers has changed since the 2001 census. In 2005, 68% of these workers were born in the UK, while 31% were born outside of the UK. However, there has been a significant recruitment of workers from East European countries that joined the EU in 2004 (referred to as A8 states) by employers to fill job openings. To work in the UK, individuals from these A8 states must adhere to government requirements and register with the Worker Registration Scheme (WRS). According to Home Office data, between May 2004 and March 2006, a total of 375,000 workers registered with WRS; out of this number, 22% were employed within the hospitality and catering sector (80).

According to the Home Office, there has been a significant decline in WRS applicants in the Hospitality and Catering industry, dropping from 31% in Q2 2004

to 18% in Q1 2006. Conversely, there has been a notable increase in applicants within Administration Business and Management.

The majority of applicants were Polish at 61%, followed closely by Lithuanian applicants at 12% and Slovak applicants at 10%.

Additionally, there has been a shift of registered workers relocating to other parts of the UK. In Q1 2006, only 11% applied to London compared to 25% in Q2 2004.

In 2006, reports documented the industry's working conditions to include low wages, limited employee advancement opportunities, and a lack of unionization (Gabriel, 1988; Price).

There has been limited research in the UK on the experiences of cultural minority and migratory workers. Most of the existing literature focuses on management behavior and strategy. However, there are a few recent exceptions, such as a study on low wages in London that specifically looked at the hotel and catering industry.

This survey included 341 low paid workers who were selected indiscriminately, with 90% being migrants. Among the hotel and hospitality workers they surveyed, the largest group (40%) were non-British Whites, predominantly from Eastern Europe, followed by Africans (24%).

The study discovered that the hotel and catering sector, contract cleansing, and the nutrient industry had the lowest wage rates. Other recent research focused on the experiences of Central and East European migrants in low paid jobs in the UK, particularly in the hospitality, construction, agriculture, and au pair industries (Anderson et al.).

It has been 15 years since the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) conducted an official investigation into recruitment and selection in hotels (CRE, 1991) due to concerns about unequal employment practices. The investigation revealed that a disproportionate number of ethnic minority employees were in low-skilled

positions, and only one cultural minority manager was found among the 117 hotels surveyed. The CRE made several recommendations for hotels to improve their practices regarding recruitment, monitoring, positive action, and training, taking into account equal opportunities issues. However, there is no evidence of any monitoring or evaluation to determine if hotel employers have followed or implemented these recommendations.

Although overall awareness of employment rights is poor among all workers in the UK, vulnerable groups have been found to have even less knowledge (Pollert, 2005). A study conducted in the West Midlands revealed that women, ethnic minorities, young people, and low-income earners were the least likely to be aware of their rights (WMLPU).

In 2001, the research was conducted amidst public debate on migration policy and when the government was intending to phase out low skilled migration programs. One such program was the Sectors Based Scheme, which provided work permits to a specific number of workers in industries experiencing shortages of skilled workers, such as hospitality. This decision was made in response to the availability of new labor from the European Union (Home Office, 2005). Simultaneously, there is growing concern for workers who are considered "vulnerable", and the government has recently released a policy statement aimed at protecting these individuals. In this statement, vulnerable workers are defined as those who work in environments with a high risk of denial of employment rights and lack the capacity or means to protect themselves from such exploitation (DTI).

2006: 25). Research aims The research aimed to address the following key questions: 1. What are the working conditions of cultural minority and migrant workers in hotels and restaurants? 2. How are working

conditions perceived and what are considered as 'problems' and how does this affect acceptance of poor working conditions? 3. What kinds of jobs do cultural minority and migrant workers typically have in hotels and restaurants? 4.

How do these jobs compare to those that have a wider impact on workers in the sector, and to what extent are they associated with specific labor market niches that these workers are confined to? If this is the case, how relevant is the insecurity of their migratory positions or racial favoritism? 5. How much knowledge do cultural minority and migratory workers in this sector have about their rights at work, and to what extent do they make an effort to enforce their legal rights or try to find ways to achieve a sufficient income and manageable working conditions, even if it means participating in illegal employment practices? 6. How much knowledge do cultural minority and migratory workers in this sector have about where to seek advice and support for work-related issues? And who do they approach for guidance and support? To what extent do cultural minority and migratory workers in this sector rely on statutory resources (i.e. legal rights) or alternative sources?

Acas, CRE, voluntary CABx, local advice bureaus, trade brotherhood.

community ( groups or informal contacts through cultural webs ) or informal ( friends. household ) beginnings of support and advice? 7. What are the experiences of cultural minority and migratory workers in this sector of utilizing all these beginnings of support and advice and what barriers do they face in accessing support and advice for workplace jobs?

Structure of the study

The study outlines the

research methodology and access paths, along with the characteristics of the interviewees in subsection. It also describes the working conditions experienced by interviewees in subsection.

The information presented in Section 4 supports previous findings in the literature regarding the experiences of cultural minority and migratory workers. It also highlights the unique circumstances that these workers may face. Additionally, Section 4 delves into the specific jobs held by interviewees in the hotel and restaurant industry. It further explores the workers' perspectives on workplace challenges, as well as their strategies for problem-solving and overcoming obstacles.

Exploration of the support and advice available to and used by the cultural minority and migratory workers interviewed is conducted in subdivision. The consciousness of employment rights in the UK is also examined. Subdivision 6 draws conclusions about the specific experiences of cultural minority and migratory workers in the sector, including the challenges they face and their need for support and advice. It suggests that changes must be made to the sector's patterns and that support should be improved for cultural minority and migratory workers.

Methodology

The project utilized qualitative research methods to collect detailed accounts of the experiences of 50 cultural minority and migratory workers.

The period of interviews ranged from May 2005 to May 2006. Additionally, key sources were also interviewed through face-to-face and telephone conversations. These sources provided contextual information on factors within the sector that affect cultural minority and migrant workers. The advantage of using qualitative methods is that they can identify both tangible issues (such as the problems themselves) and intangible ones as well.

Subjective issues, such as motive, perceptual experiences of chances and of rights, sense of inclusion, integrating and equity –

or their antonyms – sense of defeat, disaffection, and barriers to obtaining support and equity at work.

Regional range

The research undertaking was confined to England within the footings of mention set by the European Social Fund. Three English parts were selected in order to supply a comparing of experiences of migrator and cultural minority workers: London the West Midlands and the South West. London and the West Midlands have well larger colored and migratory populations than other parts of the state, with important Numberss of Bangladeshis and Pakistanis working in the hotel and eating house sector in the West Midlands (Wright and Pollert).

According to studies, in 2005, the South West region of England had the smallest population of colored individuals compared to other parts of the country. However, it has seen an increase in migrant workers. The challenges faced by cultural minorities and migrant populations in this area have been less extensively documented. Nevertheless, studies have revealed that isolation from cultural minority communities and support structures is a prevalent issue here (BMG Research, 2003; Gaine and Lamley).

According to SWTUC (2003) and SWTUC (2004), tourism also contributes to 10% of total employment in the South West region. The majority of these jobs (70%) are in the hospitality sector, specifically in accommodations and restaurants.

saloons etc. (Tourism Skills Network South West. 2002). The research focused on two towns in the South West, Bournemouth and Plymouth, that have a large number of tourists and therefore a high demand for hotel and restaurant staff. A Human Resources director from a hotel group in Bournemouth stated that only 32% of their workforce is British.

The text indicates a strong reliance on foreign

workers.

The meanings of cultural minority and migrant workers

The study encompasses both "ethnic minority" and "migrant" groups, which in reality are intricate, changing, and overlapping. Certain cultural minorities (as per the Labor Force Survey definitions) may also fall under the category of migrants. Migrants (referred to here as individuals born outside the UK, according to the Home Office, 2002) may or may not be considered as cultural minorities and may or may not face discrimination.

White Australian or Canadian migrant workers would not be considered cultural minorities and may not experience racism and discrimination. However, Kosovan people may be regarded as cultural minorities and face racism and discrimination. Czech or Polish people may or may not be discriminated against based on their skin color, but they are "visible" in terms of language, cultural traits, and discrimination. Due to the increasing number of "white" Eastern Europeans working in the hotel and restaurant sector, it was important to include their experiences in the study after the EU expansion in May 2004.

Access to research participants

To ensure the inclusion of a diverse range of interviewees from various cultural groups and backgrounds, both recent and established cultural minorities, multiple avenues were used to reach interviewees.

Many organic structures were contacted with the purpose of providing contextual information about the sector and/or the experiences of specific cultural groups, as well as helping to gain access to research participants. These organizations included trade unions, community and worker organizations, sector bodies, employers, and statutory and advice agencies (see Appendix 2). In the South West, where there are fewer organized community groups compared to the other two regions, we spoke to

officers at Bournemouth Borough Council. They provided us with informal contacts within the main local cultural minority communities and also connected us with several community translators who spoke the primary languages of the local cultural minority groups: Portuguese, Korean, Turkish, Bengali, and Spanish.

These paths were beneficial in helping to access research participants and in providing material for interviews. However, ultimately, Turkish and Bangladeshi workers were hesitant to be interviewed. Translators explained that this reluctance stemmed from their fear of speaking out against their employers, despite assurances of confidentiality. In all three countries, we employed fieldworkers who possessed language skills to conduct interviews in the workers' native languages, namely Bengali, Spanish, Polish, Lithuanian, and Mandarin. Additionally, these fieldworkers were able to connect with workers who may not have come forward otherwise. These fieldworkers were trusted individuals within their cultural communities or were able to offer sufficient reassurances of confidentiality. Furthermore, we ensured that all fieldworkers received training on utilizing the interview guide to maintain a consistent approach and to ensure they understood the research's objectives and goals.

While the attack used provided entry to workers in a wide range of institutions from large hotel groups to small independent restaurants, including several operating illegally or informally, we recognize that using such channels could not access the most hard-to-reach illegal migrant and ethnic minority workers, who may make up a significant portion of workers in the sector. The research may not fully represent the worst conditions found in the "underbelly" of the sector, as experienced by many illegal or undocumented migrants, as portrayed, for example, in Steven Frear's 2002 movie about a London hotel, Dirty Pretty Things. It was

decided not only to seek out interviewees who perceived themselves as having had a "problem" at work but also a range of individuals in different occupations within the sector, in order to explore their typical work experiences and their attitudes towards "problems" and conditions in the sector.

Cardinal sources

In addition to the worker interviews, at least 20 cardinal sources (see Appendix 2) offered further context on the hotel and restaurant sector, including regional knowledge. These sources consisted of employers, employer representative bodies, trade union officials, branch members, representatives of community organizations, sector bodies, and statutory and voluntary organizations. Some interviews were conducted in-depth, while others involved informal conversations either in person or over the phone.

Worker interviews

There were a total of 50 in-depth qualitative interviews conducted in three different areas, with a larger number of interviews conducted in London. This is because London has a significant population of cultural minority and migratory workers in this sector. At the beginning of each interview, participants were requested to fill out a two-page questionnaire that collected information about their demographics and employment. The details obtained from this questionnaire are provided in the following section.

Age - Only one interviewee was younger than 21 years old. Approximately 38% were between the ages of 21 and 30, while an equal percentage fell in the range of 31 to 40 years old. A total of six interviewees (12%) were aged 41 to 50, and five (10%) were between the ages of 51 and 60. None of the interviewees were older than 60.

Education

Education

Overall, the sample was reasonably extremely educated, with 36% holding a first phase or higher grade. Another 10%

had post-secondary non-tertiary degree instruction and 36% had received instruction up to secondary degree, while 12% had received. A farther 6% had other makings or the inside informations of their instruction were non known.

Employment

The bulk (62%) of the interviewees worked in eating houses, while 30% worked in hotels.

8% of the respondents worked in hotels, eating houses, or as bureau workers in catering services. 54% stated that there were 10 or fewer employees at their workplace, while 22% mentioned that there were between 11 and 25 people. Only 6% worked for employers with 26 to 49 employees, while 10% reported having 50 or more co-workers.

However, caution should be exercised when interpreting these figures as they may underestimate the number of employees working for larger employers. This is because some respondents may have interpreted the questions as referring to their specific workplace or department within the hotel, rather than the employer as a whole. Approximately 48% of the interviewees worked as servers or waitresses in either hotels or restaurants. Another 20% were chefs or cooks, and an additional 4% worked in kitchens as general helpers. 12% identified themselves as supervisors or managers, and 4% described themselves as tellers. An additional 10% worked in other occupations in hotels, such as receptionist, general helper, or porter/bar worker.

The majority of workers were full-time (70%), with 14% reporting part-time work and 14% being casual workers. The working hours were extensive. The highest percentage (40%) worked more than 40 hours per week, while 10% worked between 41 and 48 hours. Approximately one-third (30%) stated they worked over 48 hours per week. Just over one-third (36%) worked between 21 and 40

hours per week.

Only 6% worked less than 20 hours a week. The majority (82%) had only one job at the time of the interview, with 18% having two or more jobs. However, some of those currently working in only one job talked about times in the past when they had more than one job.

Union membership

Only five of the interviewees were members of a trade union (either the GMB or the T;A;G), which accounts for 10% of them. This proportion is still higher than in the sector as a whole, where only 5% of workers are unionized (Wright and Pollert).

2005: 25 ) .

Data analysis

All worker interviews were tape recorded and transcribed (or detailed notes were made where the quality of the recording did not allow for full written text) with the participants’ consent and field-notes were made shortly after the interviews. This information was analysed with the aid of QSR N6 data analysis software in order to facilitate a consistent and rigorous approach to the data being analysed. A thematic index was developed to categorize the transcripts according to major themes and transcripts were coded accordingly using the N6 software.