Bali Essay Example

Jembrana, Tanah Lot in Tabanan, Pancasari in Buleleng and Kintamani in Bangli. Bagus Sudibya, a prominent tourism practitioner, said that the moratorium on tourism development in southern Bali (Badung, Denpasar and Gianyar) had not worked at all. There was no commitment at all from the government and investors, or other parties, to abide by the moratorium,” Sudibya said, adding that construction of small and large tourism accommodations continued to flourish.

“The provincial and regional administrations, tourist industry and local communities must work together and strongly commit to sustainable development for the good of Bali and its people,” reminded Sudibya. Sudibya also criticized the use of revenue generated by tourism taxes, which he said was not distributed evenly to all regencies in Bali. Bali contributes more than 30 percent of national tourism revenue. Revenue from tourism must be used to improve living conditions, the environment and culture,” Sudibya added. http://www. thejakartapost. com/bali-daily/2013-07-02/bali-must-reduce-negative-impact-tourism. html Bali must reduce negative impact of tourism Published 09/07/2013 The provincial administration, together with the entire tourist industry, is required to minimize the negative effects caused by tourism activities. Photo: news. co. au

The tourism sector had both positive and negative impacts on the island’s economy, on the people and on the environment, said Ida Bagus Subhiksu, head of Bali Tourism Agency, in a discussion in Denpasar last weekend. “Massive conversion of productive land for tourism and business purposes is among the crucial issues in Bali,” Subhiksu told Bali Daily. He further said that the land conversion was happening faster than predicted. “The rapid construction of hotels, villas and other types of property has eaten up our rice fields, plantations, green areas and coastal regions

alike,” he complained.

Land conversion is also occurring to make way for residential areas since the island’s population is rocketing and has now reached close to 4 million people. “Land conversion has also affected land prices in surrounding areas, which means an increase in land and property taxes,” he added. Farmers and low-income families who lived in those areas also had to pay higher land and property taxes, which was unfair, he stated. Citing an example, he said farmers living in Kerobokan, Canggu and Jimbaran had to pay the same taxes as residents living in the luxurious residences in these now-elite areas of Bali.

In the interest of tightly controlling development activities on the island, the provincial administration has implemented various policies and regulations. Subhiksu stated that 16 tourism zones had been designated: Nusa Dua, Kuta, Tuban, Sanur, Ubud, Lebih, Soka, Kalibukbuk, Batuampar, Candikusuma, Perancak, Nusa Penida, Candidasa, Ujung, Tulamben and Air Sanih. There are also five special tourist destinations: Gilimanuk and Palasari in Jembrana, Tanah Lot in Tabanan, Pancasari in Buleleng and Kintamani in Bangli.

Continue reading, here Sources: Bali Daily | Author: Wasti Atmodjo Bali must reduce negative impact of tourism by Wasti Atmodjo on 2013-07-02 The provincial administration, together with the entire tourist industry, is required to minimize the negative effects caused by tourism activities. The tourism sector had both positive and negative impacts on the island’s economy, on the people and on the environment, said Ida Bagus Subhiksu, head of Bali Tourism Agency, in a discussion in Denpasar last weekend. Massive conversion of productive land for tourism and business purposes is among the crucial issues in Bali,” Subhiksu told Bali Daily.

He further said that

the land conversion was happening faster than predicted. “The rapid construction of hotels, villas and other types of property has eaten up our rice fields, plantations, green areas and coastal regions alike,” he complained. Land conversion is also occurring to make way for residential areas since the island’s population is rocketing and has now reached close to 4 million people. Land conversion has also affected land prices in surrounding areas, which means an increase in land and property taxes,” he added. Farmers and low-income families who lived in those areas also had to pay higher land and property taxes, which was unfair, he stated. Citing an example, he said farmers living in Kerobokan, Canggu and Jimbaran had to pay the same taxes as residents living in the luxurious residences in these now-elite areas of Bali. In the interest of tightly controlling development activities on the island, the provincial administration has implemented various policies and regulations.

Subhiksu stated that 16 tourism zones had been designated: Nusa Dua, Kuta, Tuban, Sanur, Ubud, Lebih, Soka, Kalibukbuk, Batuampar, Candikusuma, Perancak, Nusa Penida, Candidasa, Ujung, Tulamben and Air Sanih. There are also five special tourist destinations: Gilimanuk and Palasari in Jembrana, Tanah Lot in Tabanan, Pancasari in Buleleng and Kintamani in Bangli. Bagus Sudibya, a prominent tourism practitioner, said that the moratorium on tourism development in southern Bali (Badung, Denpasar and Gianyar) had not worked at all. There was no commitment at all from the government and investors, or other parties, to abide by the moratorium,” Sudibya said, adding that construction of small and large tourism accommodations continued to flourish.

“The provincial and regional administrations, tourist industry and local communities must work

together and strongly commit to sustainable development for the good of Bali and its people,” reminded Sudibya. Sudibya also criticized the use of revenue generated by tourism taxes, which he said was not distributed evenly to all regencies in Bali. Bali contributes more than 30 percent of national tourism revenue. Revenue from tourism must be used to improve living conditions, the environment and culture,” Sudibya added. http://www. thejakartapost. com/bali-daily/2013-07-02/bali-must-reduce-negative-impact-tourism. html Reading urban Bali: untold history, unwanted urbanism< Amanda Achmadi Keywords: Urban Bali, urban history, urban buut environments, urban development, Denpasar Abstract: This paper is an exploration of sodo-spatial characteristics of urban Bali through a reading of the island's historical urban architectural landscape.

Focusing on the island province's capital city of Denpasar, it considers the interplay between formations of urban built environments and urban social dynamics. These dynamics have been largely unexposed to tourists, thus less constrained by the dominant twentieth-century framing of exotic Balinese otherness. The paper revisits studies and visual recordings of Denpasar during precolonial and colonial times and traces the physical and social characteristics of the dty's urban environments. The paper concludes that, although the city's urban form and architectural landscape give us clues to its long-standing urbanism, the marginalisation of the urban within the twentieth-century colonial and orientalist discourses of traditional Bali has led to the abandonment of this urbanism in today's Denpasar. Introduction: locating urban Bali In an island dominated by the cultural tourism industry, studies and public discourses on the topic of the built environment in Bali have largely evolved around the question of how to protect the island's traditional architecture from the perceived threat of modernisation.

Accounts of indigenous communit}' and

sociopolitical dynamics of the island have been primarily directed towards rural Bali, as the villages have been generally perceived as the 'traditional' setting where the pure form of indigenous built environment can be observed. In such a constrained field of intetptetadon, historical and contemporary urban built Remew of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 44, no. 2 (2010), pp. 149-178. 150 Achmadi environments outside the 'villages' — the island's classical capital centres and the colonial and postcolonial administrative centres of the island province — remain largely overlooked. At the same time, these urban realms are also the most dramatically changing environments which compensate for the calcifying conservation of the 'villages' through the course of the twentieth century's political history and development of the cultural tourism industry in BaH (Schulte Nordholt 1995; Vickers 1989; Picard 1995).

Urban Bali accommodates the island's broader socio-economic dynamics such as rapid population growth and internal migration (Sudira 2009), the contestations of power relations between the traditional elites (Schulte Nordholt 2005) and the rising new middle classes in the island's urbanised contexts (Wijaya 2000; Suwitha 2003; Lan 2005). For tourists and returning visitors, Bau in the twenty-first century is an island increasingly dominated by growing sprawl and an unplanned urban environment.

Rapid construction of utilitarian shophouses, gated private housing estates, and utilit}' workshops along the main streets of Denpasar and the island's regional arteries, and the rapid rate of sporadic conversion of rice fields to accommodate this urban development are typically framed as sad evidence of 'a paradise lost' (The Age 2011). For Denpasar's indigenous communities and the long-standing multi-ethnic migrants who have called this city their home, urbanisation is both despised and essentially

needed.

On the one hand urbanisation and the emergence of a range of urban civic functions and trade-based industries in colonial and post-colonial times have given the locals opportunities to pursue higher education as well as alternative work opportunities which are not available in their rural home (Parker 2000). These regional towns and cities are the place where the local population can acquire modern competency.

This enables them to joins the workforce of the other sectors of the island's post-agricultural economy, outside the restricting tourism industry that has mostiy privileged the southern parts of the island which have been widely conceived to be the more exotic and iconic places in exemplifying the 'real' Bali. This also means escaping from the industry that has placed the locals primarily as the exotic objects of tourism, rather than as its stakeholders and active participants (Picard 1995).

On Reading urban Bali 151 on the other hand, urbanization and its immediate effects on the physical environments are perceived as a threat against the exodc appearance of traditional Bau, a pivotal element for the functioning of the tourism industry in BaH {Bali Post 2004). Both perceptions place sides and urbanisation as phenomena seemingly detached from, and foreign to, the 'real' and traditional Bali. Population growth, rural-urban migration, and social mobility are three major forces underlying the island's rapid urbanisation, and in this sense, they are also conceived as phenomena detached from the realm of the conceived real BaU.

The marginalization of the urban as un-BaU is a recurring theme through the twentieth century. Miguel Covarrubias (1937) began his renowned travel account of Bali by describing his dismay upon encountering the port cit)' of Singaraja and

the colonial town of Denpasar. In his words. In the great 'alun-alun,' the playground of Den Pasar, stolid Hollanders play tennis and drink beer near young Baunese pla)'ing soccer in striped sweatshirts ... All around the square are the home of leading white residents, neat and bourgeois, small bungalows ...

The business street leading to the market consists ... of the same squalid shops, ... a smau Chinese hotel, and curio stalls with mass production 'Balinese art,' all kept by the same Chinese compradors, the same bearded Bombay merchants with eagle-like beaks ... After the first bewildering days, when we had recovered from the shock of such distressing impressions as these, we began to 'discover' the real BaU ... we found the t)pical mud walls of the compounds, the thatched gates protected by mysterious signs...

These were the proper setdng for the lithe brown-skinned women returning from the market with baskets of fruit on their heads and for the men in loincloths sitting in groups around the baskets in which they kept their favourite fighting cocks (Covarrubias 1937:xx). As the row of compounds with mud waUs and the thatched gates were perceived as the proper setting for the 'real BaU', the cides and their physical and social fabric were perceived as signs of a paradise lost.

In a more recent observation, Don Townsend describes contemporary Denpasar as a site where '[pjrofanit)' succeeds', where 'a process of physical, economic and psychological evasion of an unacceptable and culturally offensive way of urban living' was conceived to have 152 Achmadi profound effects on the conceived traditional and sacred culture of BaH (1994:229-30). Here, the conception of BaHnese culture as a sacred

phenomenon so profoundly associated with the interpretation of Hindu religion and customary law, has produced a framing of the city as a site of profanit)- where urban Having is seen as a phenomenon external and offensive to this culture.

The encounter with the sides in BaH continues to offer the observers an opportunity to demarcate and spadaHse what is and what is not the 'real BaH'. Recent studies have examined how twentieth-century colonial, orientalist, and travel discourses on BaH have constructed, perpetuated, and objectified the nodon of 'real BaH' through the twendeth century (see Picard 1996; Vickers 1999; Schulte Nordholt 1996; Schulte Nordholt 1999). Through the interweaving of these discourses and the unfolding commodification of otherness through the cultural tourism industry, the imagined BaH has gained and produced its own readers.

I have argued elsewhere that wridngs on Bali's architecture and the construction of built environments in twentieth-century BaH are deeply embedded within this process, and that they play a strategic role in giving this imagined otherness a convincing set of materialised readers and counter readers (Achmadi 2008; Achmadi 2004). As Henk Schulte Nordhold (1986; 1996) describes, the colonial invendon of tradidonal BaH involves a transformation of a shifting portal landscape into a fixed order.

In an architectural sense, this involves the framing of a productive field of spatial representations of power relations and productive built environments as an aesthetic and highly ordered field of exotic architectural compositions and building arts. The marginaHsadon of the architectural dynamic of urban Bali as 'un-BaH' and the subsequent neglect of the island's urban history and urban development should also be seen as a by-product of this process.

As colonial and travelling discourses

formulate and codify the notion of traditional BaH by selectively framing the most icotiic feature of the Hindu Balinese religion and customary law and by commodifying the visuaHy extravagance otherness of the island's art and architecture, the urban and its complex socio-cultural dynamic are consistently framed as the and-thesis of such a BaH. Against the familiar mixture and hybrid formations of a cit)-, the nodon of the real Reading urban Bali 153 BaU and its otherness gain its urgency and focus.

In examining the rise of local modernit}' in Bali in the 1920s, Schulte Nordholt (2000) points to the way modernit}' and tradition mutually constitute each other on the island, '[i]t was ... modern urban life that invented the traditional village and produced the memory of the good old rural way of Ufe that belongs to the past' (2000:73). Expanding this observation further, I argue that the twentieth-century invention and commodification of traditional BaU have subsequently produced a distinct conception of the island's urbanit}', one that positions urban built environments and urban conditions as the unwanted dynamics and un-BaUnese phenomena.

The late nineteenth-century royal centres in BaU, such as Badung, Gianyar, Klungkung, and Mengwi (each the poUdcal centre of BaUnese Hindu Majapahit kingdoms of the same name) are mainly described in most studies on the poUdcal history of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century BaU as court settlements. In both travel and scholarly discourses, these settlements and their physical features are widely presented and interpreted as exemplifying desa or village environments, and as such, these royal centres and their socio-local characteristics have not been specifically interpreted as either rural or urban.

A different scholarly tradition can be found in dealing with

the royal capitals in Java of the same period. An example of this tradition is a study by HJ van Mook on Kota Gede (in Wertheim 1958:277-306). In this pioneering study, undertaken in the first decades of the twentieth century, van Mook revisited the remaining physical traces of the royal capital and the royal palace complex (kraton) of the seventeenth century Islamic Mataram kingdom and interpreted the socio-economic system which governed the town's civic function, communaUt}', and land use.

He proposed that the interpretation of Kota Gede could lead us to understand the characters of an indigenous pre-colonial Javanese town (in Wertheim 1958:277). By identifying the function of the settlement as a centre for ritual and secular Ufe of the various classes of the cidzens of the royal kingdom, and by identifying the complex regulation of land use, the central role of and enterprise of the market, as well as the ordering of civic and ritual roles and citizenship in the world court town of Kota Gede, van Mook 154 Achmadi translated the Weberian notion of cit}' in the interpretation of total Javanese town.

Physical traces of the court town identified in his study include: the territorial division of the settlement according to the four social categories of its population; the use of water-in dwelling compound typology composed of building structures (pendopo) in the inner and mote privileged sections of the town, mainly those surrounding the old royal palace complex (kratori); the presence of market (pasar), main square {alun-alun) and the royal burial site as the key landmarks of the court setdement.

Some of these elements, as the subsequent secdons of the paper describe, are also featured in

the formation of the royal palaces of the Hindu kingdoms in BaU. Regardless of the lack of focus on the urban conditions of the royal centres of Hindu BaU, studies on the island's pte-colonial poUdcal history provide us with numerous entry points to build an interpretation of the pre-colonial urban conditions on the island.

They account for socio-economic and poUdcal functions operating in these royal courts and occasionally describe particular elements of built environments that accommodate these functions. ^ These analyses signal the urban conditions and characteristics of BaU's royal court settlements. Revising and considering the traces of urbanism in these studies, this paper seeks to establish an urban focus in the reading of Balinese royal settlements.

Focusing on the southern BaUnese royal court, I trace the urban architectural characteristics of the royal centre of the Badung kingdom as a centre of both dual and secular Ufe, showing how the royal centre operated as a meeting place (between the ruUng court and its noble supporters), between the court and the surrounding Banjar (a unit of the customary neighbourhood) that followed the court's ritual patronage, and between traders and their clients and buyers.

While these socio-political relationships have been described in great detail (see Wiener 1995, Schulte Nordholt 1996, Geertz 1983), the physical formations of the urban environment in which and through which these relationships were performed are often only dealt with insofar as they further explain the observed political dynamics. Thus the strategic role of the spatial organisation of urban environments in the unfolding political history of Bali, and the process by which power relations were enacted and negotiated physically through Reading urban Baii 155 arrangement of space,

buildings and precinct, by which power relations were subsequently normalized into seemingly objective reality, are yet to be examined as a topic in itself In most early visual accounts of the island's built environments (Nieuwenkamp 1910, Krause 1920, Moojen 1926, Covarrubias 1937), records of BaH's built environments were primarily focused on the extravagant and monumental Hindu Majapahit architectural structures (such as the royal palaces or puri agung,* the Hindu Majapahit temples and older archaeological sites) and the rustic appearance of the dwelling compounds of the peasants (Achmadi 2008).

While we can find numerous illustrations and photographs of iconic architectural structures from this era, rarely do we encounter an exploration of how these structures were built and used in relation to their surrounding rural or urban settlements. Most accounts of the island's built environments from this period tend to present each of these structures as an object in itself, as an example of 'BaHnese' building arts and traditions.

While producing valuable recordings of iconic architectural sites of early twentieth-century BaH, these early accounts provide us with Hmited materials to explore the broader socio-spatial dynamic of the island's urban and rural built environments. Studies by Andreas Tarnutzer (1995, 1993) and NathaHe Lancret (1997) on Denpasar are pioneering in placing urbanisation and urban history as a long overdue focus in BaHnese studies. Tarnutzer traces the urban development of Denpasar from its pre-colonial origin up to its present-day condition by focusing on the structural changes that accompanied this long-standing urbanisation. Tarnutzer highlights the importance of migration into the cit}' through its history as a factor that has driven the rapid expansion of urban settlement. Taking migration into account, Denpasar needs to

be understood as a settler city. But in the context of the island's particular mode of identity politics, there is Hmited space to launch a debate on the notion of settler city in BaH.

Instead, migrants are persistently categorised and treated as a non-permanent population of the cit}', regardless of how long they have been settled in the city (see Sudira 2009). The official account of cultural identit}' of Denpasar today is still profoundly 156 Achmadi dominated by the conception of cultural authenticity as being hinged on the existence of the homogenous indigenous community of Denpasar, irrespective of the current demographic composition of the city's population.

This conception is openly declared in the city authority's official mission to cultivate an urban identity based on Balinese culture. ' NathaUe Lancret (1997) examines the transformation of BaUnese dwellings in late twentieth century Denpasar and argues that this transformation represents the extent of rapid social change experienced by the indigenous community of the city. This study seeks to complement Tarnutzer's and Lancret's explorations by tracing further the physical settings of urban development of Denpasar through history.

By revising and interpreting segments of the urban landscape of pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial Denpasar, this paper aims to trace the physical representations of urban history of BaU. The following sections of this paper are organised as a chronological exploration of urbanism in early twentieth century BaU. The first secdon considers urbanism and urban forms of Badung, the late pre-colonial era of the capital of Badung kingdom.

The second section considers how the royal centre was transformed into a colonial town when the cit)' assumed its role as the colonial administradve centre of south BaU. The

concluding section contrasts the urban conditions of early twentieth century Denpasar with the repressed urbanism in the cit)' today. The rise of the royal centre and Badung settlement: pre- colonial Denpasar in the late nineteenth century As the capital of the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Hindu Majapahit kingdom of Badung, Denpasar was originally known as Badung.

The rise of Badung as a civic and poUdcal centre in the southern region of BaU was initiated by the rebellion led by I Gusd Ngurah Sakti Pemecutan against the more established Mengwi kingdom of central BaU in the mid-eighteenth century (Agung 1986: 35). U I Gusd Ngurah Sakd Pemecutan was a leading figure from the noble clan Pemecutan, who occupied a large family dwelling courtyard on the western bank of the Badung River. The residential court of the Reading urban Bali 157 ruHng noble clan of Pemecutan was the central point of the settlement.

The growth of the court and its noble supporter base accompanied the rise of the kingdom to its peak in the middle of the nineteenth century (Tarnutzer 1995:250). The expansion and poHdcal manoeuvres of the clan of Pemecutan also drove the expansion of the settlement of Badung from its original location along the western bank of the Badung River (Tukad Badung) towards the eastern bank and subsequently to the north and to the south towards Kuta (originally Figure 1. Badung in 1906 ? mage courtesy of KITLl) 158 Achmadi Badung's coastal trading place) (figure 1). It also became the early twentieth-century royal centre of Badung.

The construction of new noble courts and their adjacent pubic square, religious structures and civic facades such as market space, the community has

and rice storage pavilion marked each stage of the political manoeuvres within the ruUng court. The core of the Badung court settlement in its early days was the intersection where the residential palace of the Pemecutan clan (Puri Pemecutan) was located (no. 26 in figure 1). Standing on the northwestern quadrant of the intersection, the palace's prominent position was further accentuated by a small public square on the eastern side. Within this square, public markets and public gatherings were held.

An open pavilion for muld-purposes use (wantilan) was situated in one corner of the square to accommodate civic gatherings, including cockfights and occasional dance and musical performance. The wide main street of Badung provided the north and south axis of the settlement; it ran almost parallel to the adjacent Badung River, allowing easy and equal access to the river. Along the main street to the north and the south, the dwelling compounds of the lesser noble families were located. The commoners of Badung, divided into around 40 banjar communities, occupied the space behind and around the alace and the noble compounds (Tarnutzer 1995:250). The commoners' dwellings were accessible from the secondary streets branching out from the main street and the aUe}' ways (figures 1 and 5). The first expansion of Denpasar involved the construction of two court palaces to the north and northeast across the Badung River (Agung 1986). following the sudden death of I Gusd Ngurah Sakd Pemecutan, Badung was divided into three territories, each to be controlled by his three sons. The oldest son, I Gusd Ngurah Made Pemecutan resided in Puri Pemecutan (no. 26 in figure 1), where his younger brothers resided in

Puri Satria (no. 5 in figure 1), across the Badung River to the north, and Puri Kesiman, further east towards Sanur. Arrangements similar to those of Puri Pemecutan were repeated in Puri Satria and Puri Kesiman: a large square where weekly market was held, beU tower (kul-kul), and village has (wantilan) were placed around the main royal compound and the compounds of nobles Uned Reading urban Bali 159 the main streets. The construction of two new noble courts of Kesiman and Satria, along with theit separate civic centres, mitigated the possibiUt}' of conflict between the sons of the ruUng Pemecutan king and their immediate followers.

A reconsoUdadon of the Badung kingdom was undertaken by the third generation of the Pemecutan clan. This poUdcal move was again marked by a construction of a new poUdcal centre, a new royal compound. The son of I Gusd Ngurah Made Pemecutan, 1 Gusd Ngurah Gde Denpasat contructed a new palace, Puri Denpasar, actoss the Badung River from the cote Pemecutan court (no. 1 in figure 1). From Puri Denpasat, he and his successor ruled the kingdom and its capital city until the puputan of 1906. The territory of the Badung kingdom continues to be contested by the three princely courts, Pemecutan, Sattia, and Kesiman.

The poUdcal expansion of Badung through the construction of new royal courts was consistently accompanied by the construction of communal facades such as market square, public gathering haU, rice barn, and be tower. In this sense, the poUdcal expansion of the Pemecutan court was accompanied by an expansion of the civic role of Badung as an urban settlement. At its peak, the kingdom's royal centre offered its

population of 2000 (Tarnutzer 1995:251) a range of public spaces faciUtadng, not only the ritual Ufe of the Hindu BaUnese communit}' as documented by many studies, but also other socio-economic exchanges involving the population of the surrounding region of South BaU. The grid pattern of the road network in early twentieth century Badung, which had evolved from the mote common Unear pattern t}'play exemplified in total settlement, further indicated the importance of Badung as civic and poUdcal centre for southern BaU, with regional roads connecting the capital with Kuta, Sanur, Kapal and Tabanan. The abundance of pubic structures and buildings in Badung demonstrated the wealth and capacit}' of the rung Pemecutan clan in faciUtadng both the ritual and everyday Ufe of its subjects.

The most thorough visual accounts of Badung, ironically, were produced during the event that brought an end to the teign of the toyal family of the southern kingdom (Creese and others 2006). In 1906, the colonial army entered the capital and was met by a fierce resistance 160 Achmadi from the population of Badung and the army of the royal family. The event ended with a puputan, a mass suicide procession carried through by the royal families, their supporters, and the people of Badung as they marched against the colonial army whue stabbing themselves to death. The puputan culminated on the market square outside the Denpasar palace.

The event was documented in HM van Weede's collection of photographs and travel writing (1908) and by WOJ Nieuwenkamp through his drawings (1910). An affluent tourist, van Weede had been travelling through the Netherlands Indies after visiting British India (Creese and others 2008:xiv). Gaining permission to join

the military mission and armed with his camera, pen and curiosit}', he documented the event in detail and took 154 pictures depicting the movement of the colonial army into the cit}' and the tragic aftermath on the streets of Badung and the squares in front of the Pemecutan and Denpasar Palaces.

His account of the event was published in 1908. Nieuwenkamp, an artist who knew Bali weu, also documented the burnt capital through his sketches (1910). While the focus of their recordings was the unfolding of the tragic event, their photographs and drawings allow us to glimpse the physical and spatial dimensions of the royal centre. Van Weede's photographs bring into view the grand scale of the public space and noble courts of Denpasar (figures 2, 3, 4 and 5). The main streets of Denpasar were wide and enclosed by the walls of the noble dwelling compounds.

The streets are mostly empty from building structures aside from the appearance of the gates of the compounds occasionally break the continuation of the walls. A distinct urban feature of the street was an open pavilion occasionally placed Figure 2. Street in Kesiman, Badung 1906 Figure 3. Street in Taensiat, Badung 1906 (Image courtesy of KITLV) (Image courtesy of KITU-J Reading urban Bali 161 Figure 4. Wantilan in Kesiman, Badung Figure 5. Alley leading to peasant quarters, 1906 (Image courtesy of KITLy) Badung 1906 (Image courtesy of KITLV) along the street allowing smaU-scale public gatherings to take place ~ in various locations (figure 3).

TaU mature trees Uned the streets, where the occasional silhouette of banyan trees marked the more prominent part of the settlement, such as the intersection and square

in front of the Denpasar and Pemecutan palaces. The generous space of the streets and the minimum visual interaction between the enclosed compounds and the street indicated a clear separation between the pubUc and private realms. In this scale, the streets appeared as a continuous open space instead of merely functioning as circulation.

The width of the street and the clear visual and physical separation between the dwelling space and the surrounding public realm made the street space a suitable setting in which to conduct large scale ceremonial processions. For a setdement of 2000 inhabitants (not including the populadon of Badung's port settlements, Kuta and Sanur, in the south and the east) this involved the parade of a large number of people through the capital. The scale of the street, which is even wider than any comparable space in today's Denpasar, strategicaUy and powerfuUy demonstrated the kingdom's capacit)' to hold and facilitate large-scale rituals and ceremonies.

The grid network of the setdement streets also reflected a careful configuradon which enabled effordess mobility through the settlement. In contrast to the grand emptiness that occupied these wide settlement streets, the square in front of the Denpasar Palace, and the noble houses of Puri Kesiman and Puri Pemecutan, was a much more animated space (figures 6 and 7). With its decorated enclosure, towering gates and massive want, the palace complex was presented prominently and monumentaUy as the centrepiece of this square. At 162 Achmadi Figure 6.

Rice granary with the market square and the Denpasar palace behind from Kieuwenkamp 1910:102 •4% Figure 7. The scene shortly after the puputan of 1906 with the Denpasar palace and the market square behind (Image

courtesy of KTTLl'^) the southwestern corner of the first courtyard (Jeroning Ancak Saji) of the royal compound, an elevated and highly decorated pavilion stands proudly (panggungan), from which the royal family and the king regularly observed pubHc Hfe and the advises of their subjects. A large open wooden paviHon with a muld-level roof, a wantilan, was placed across Reading urban Bali 163 he palace. A communal rice barn was situated on the other side of the square (figure 6). A weekly market was held in the square while the regular daily market was situated between tbe Pemecutan and Denpasar courts by the river of Badung (Tarnutzer 1995:250), where Denpasar's Kumbasari and Badung markets are now located. Equipped with a range of communal facades in contrast to the restrained empdness of the streetscapes of the other quarters of the setdement, the squares of Badung were specificaUy plotted as an acdve communal space for the members of around 40 banjar that sbape Badung.

The square contained a range of physical public structures that accommodated and represented the functioning of a certain socio-poUdcal coUecdvity within the royal centre. It was an example of a highly ordered indigenous urban district. Badung in the early twentieth century was already an important trade centre of south BaU. In addition to the weekly market held in the palace square, a number of permanent market spaces were located along the street connecting the Denpasar and Pemecutan courts. Shops belonging to Chinese traders was centraUy located to the west of the Puri Denpasar square.

As a civic centre, the capital Badung was also home to a district law enforcer (jaksd), several market squares, temples, and communal

rice storages (lumbung) (Tarnutzer 1995:249). Migrant roles were incorporated within the settlement, where Chinese traders occupied a disdnct labour market in the city through their retail shops seeing households items and agricultural products. Iconic and decorated viUage beU tower (kul-kul) were strategically located nearby the main squares of Pemecutan, Denpasar, and Kesiman as representations of each court's communaUt}'.

The regional street network surrounding pre-colonial Badung indicated the settlement's important role as a regional poUdcal and trade centre. The setdement was a crossing point between Kuta, Sanur, Kapal and Kesiman, aU key settlements in southern region of BaU. Badung in pre-colonial dmes was a royal centre with a highl}- ordered arrangement of pubUc and private realms and districts, exempUfying what the architectural historian Spiro Kostof proposes as the underlying socio-poUdcal division which characterises urban formadon through history (1992:71-121).

Social hierarchy was 164 Achmadi physically translated through the placement of royal and noble residences along the main roads and the peasant dwellings hidden away at the back of these residences. Architectural composidon and ornamentadon further disdnguished the upper caste's dweUings from those of the peasants. The political ambition of the kingdom was further demonstrated through the grid network of wide streets of the settlements which signaled the kingdom's abiUt}' to draw and organize large scale mass religious ceremonies.

Read alongside CUfford Geertz's interpretation of the nineteenth centtary theatre state of BaU (1983), these dramadc streetscapes were the stage where the Badung kingdom demonstrated its abiUty as the titual patron within the region. Aside from the ritual aspect of the configuring of the settlement, Badung's abundant civic spaces and amenides, as demonsttated by the numerous markets it hosted, further affirmed the

kingdom's dominadon in the region.

Equipped with these diverse amenides and elaborated street network, the settlement was able to embrace foreign trading partners and migrant workers. In the early twentieth centuty, these urban conditions made the setdement and the Denpasar market square a suitable location from which the colonial government assumed its full control of the island. Denpasar in the 1930s: the making of the colonial administrative centre of south Bali The 1906 colonial military expedition to South Bali and the ensuing puputan brought an end to Badung kingdom. With Badung's poUdcal centres.

Pud Denpasat, Puri Pemecutan and the neighboring noble dwelling compounds badly damaged and burned during the event, the physical transformation of the settlement into a colonial town soon began at the heart of the royal centre. With its urban characteristics and strategic positioning within the broader context of the settlement, it was not a random decision that the colonial government chose the site of Puri Denpasar and its market square as the focus of transformation of the settlement into the colonial administrative centre of south BaU. When Covarrubias arrived in the cit}' in the early 1930s, he ncountered a typical utban centre of a colonial town as commonly found in Java: a large open square {alun-alun) surrounded by free-standing bungalows painted in white with pitched terracotta tiled roofs. Reading urban Baii 165 Figure 8. Denpasar in 1930 (Map courtesy of KITU ) This transformation involved a radical re-ordering of the civic centre and residential development of the settlements. Comparing the 1908 map of Badung (figure 1) with the 1930 map of Denpasar (figure 8), the grid street netu'ork of the colonial town maintained the

pattern which was already established at the time of the Badung kingdom.

The alun-alun of Denpasar (no. 2 in figure 8) was an extension of the Denpasar market square (no. 2 in figure 1). Almost nine times the size of the old square, the new square was created by demolishing the row of noble dwellings to the south of Puri Denpasar. On the southern half of the site of the Puri now stood the house of the assistant resident of south BaH, a clear demonstration of the presence of a new political rule in the region. On the northern half of the site, the first tourist accommodation in south BaH, the BaH Hotel, was built in art deco architecture.

The large banyan tree, still standing today, is the last 166 Achmadi remaining element of the Puri Denpasar. Framing the square were office buildings of wholesaler trading and shipping companies along the western and southern edge, where a diverse range of civic amenities such as tax commissioner, smaU medical clinic, Police station, post office and European social club Uned the southern and northeastern edges. Several tennis courts could be found in the alun-alun directly opposite of the house of the Assistant Resident.

A BaU ethnographic museum, designed by German architect Curt Grundler under the guidance of the Assistant Resident of South BaU and the Denpasar traditional architects {undagi) I Gusd Ketut Rai and I Gusd Ketut Gede Kandel, was buUt between 1915 to 1920 on the east side of the alun- alun (Sutaba 2009, Wiradharma 2011). The Denpasar square remained the urban centre of the settlement, but now serving the colonial society under the patronage of the Assistant Resident

of South BaU. Inspired by the architecture of Puri Denpasar, the museum project was commissioned by the Assistant Resident as an attempt to 'save' and restore the local culture of the island (Tarnutzer 1995:257). The museum was also the first building commissioned by the colonial government in Denpasar to be constructed according to the classical architecture of the Badung kingdom. The adoption of indigenous architectural language within the construction of the museum reflected the major shift in the attitude of the colonial government towards the island's indigenous culture in the midst of rising awareness of nationalism among the growingly urbanised native population on the island (see Vickers 2000; Vickers 2005; Schulte Nordholt 2000).

During the same period of dme, Puri Pemecutan was rebuUt by the dynasty's surviving members. This dme it was placed in the more sacred locadon, the north-eastern quadrant of the Pemecutan intersection, mimicking the placement of the royal Puri Denpasar in late 19th century (Blackwood 1970:105). While the construction of the museum mimicked the physical appearance of the destroyed Puri Denpasar, the rebuUding of Puri Pemecutan in the new location signaled a symbolical return of the royal court of Badung.

The two projects, despite their similar architectural appearances, exemplify two different poUdcal agendas in the use of indigenous architecture in colonial Denpasar. The museum building signalled the role of the colonial government in Reading urban Baii 167 safeguarding the local culture, while the reconstruction of the old court signalled the continuing presence of the royal family in the settlement. Aside from the radical transformation of the political centre of Badung, the development of housing was a significant component of urban expansion of Denpasar in

early twentieth century.

Rapid population growth, due to the migration of other BaHnese, as well as Javanese, Chinese, and Arabic traders was the underlying force for the scale of housing development in the cit)' and its subsequent social transformation (Tarnutzer 1995, Setiawan 1992). The physical representation of this process was the rapid expansion of the settiement and densification of its existing urban housing clusters. A different architectural language and building typology was used in the transformation of the surrounding neighborhood of the alun-alun as the cit)' attempted to house its new and growing urban population.

The areas to the west, south and northeast of the alun-alun, originally rice fields and forest, were cleared and developed into European quarters with free-standing villas of different sizes lining the streets. Some of these smaH units were used by native civil servants, usually Javanese of noble origins, who had been relocated to Denpasar from Singaraja or other colonial towns in Java as part of the estabHshment of colonial administration in the region (Tarnutzer 1995:258).

The rising number of Chinese and Arab retailers (a mixture of South Asian and Middle Eastern traders), who were important trading partners of the colonial wholesaler trading companies, settied in the area towards the west of the alun-alun, along the street where the two traditional Badung markets were situated. Behind the street and further towards the north and the west, the local communities of Pemecutan and Satria resided. The indigenous t)'pology of the multi- pavilion compound was largely maintained here, although renovations and extensions were undertaken to meet the requirement of the growing communities (Setiawan 1992; Lancret 1997).

The distribution of housing areas in Denpasar of the 1930s was

based on ethnic categories used by the colonial government at the time and seems to reflect the theory of race segregation of colonial urban environments. ** Although recent studies (Colombijn 2010; Dick 2002) have argued against this theory and presented evidence of the 166 Achmadi interplays between racial and class segregation in case studies of colonial urban settlements, the condition in Denpasar seems to support the theory.

Not only was there a clear territoriaUsadon of urban clusters based on race, but these clusters were further cUsdnguished from one another through their different types of building. A spacious free-standing viUa or bungalow was the common type in the European area. Occupying a smaller lot of land, the foreign Asian trader areas — that is, the Chinese area to the north of today's Jalan Gajah Mada and the Arab area to the south, today's Jalan Sulawesi — were built as rows of attached two-storey shophouses. These two areas were far more densely populated than the European and native areas.

Meanwhile, the low-rise, muld-pavilion courtyard was sdU the prevalent type of dwelling adopted by the BaUnese community. Each of these different types contributed to the distinct ethnic character od their associated quarters. With mixed-use funcdon, high populadon density and direct interacdons with the street, the Chinese and Arab quarters funcdoned as Uvely urban precincts. Private and public realms intermingled effortlessly in these locations. In contrast, the European suburb and the BaUnese area showed a clear separation between public space and private residential area.

It should not be assumed, however, that these ethnically differentiated urban precincts led to a racial segmentation or social division in the urban Ufe and urban environments of

colonial Denpasar. Except for the European quarters, none of the other quarters was physically isolated or socially detached from the other. The Arab quarter, the Chinese quarter, and the BaUnese quarter, in particular Banjar Senggowan, shared a range of civic amenides and their co-existence was translated through a dense network of streets that connected the three residential quarters.

The shophouses in both the Arab and Chinese quarters were accessible from the front and the back (figure 9), meaning that the shophouses have two acdve facades, the shopfront towards the street and the house front at the rear towards the Banjar Senggowan situated within the urban block. ' The inhabitants of the three quarters also shared and inhabited public spaces within and surrounding the area, namely the market square and the night market held along the market street (Agung 1986; Wayan 2000). Reading urban Bali 169 Figure 9. Face to face: the Arab quarter and the pillage temple of Banjar Senggowan.

Photograph by the author. SociaHy, interactions between migrants and local Denpasar populadon took place through marriage and pardcipadon in the indigenous neighbourhood organisation (banjar) (Tarnutzer 1995:258). These interactions often triggered a range of appropriations of the physical structure of dwellings in each quarter in order to accommodate specific spatial requirements of new members of the family. These included the construction of a family temple {pemerajan) on the top of shophouses and building an enclosed pavilion in colonial style (loji) within Hving compounds.

These interactions and the physical impHcadons for the physical urban environments signaled the emergence of a new mold-ethnic urban population in Denpasar. The introduction of different building t)-pes also had an impact on the way the

BaHnese Denpasar communities adapted their dwelHngs in attempts to deal with famil)- growth and changing Hfestyle. When indigenous dwelling compounds could no longer contain the growing family, the spadaHy efficient shophouse or enclosed viHa typology was adopted. 170 Achmadi

The construction of the BaU ethnographic museum and its use of the indigenous architectural language of Badung set up the ensuing practice of designing the indigenous architecture as a form of 'heritage', as a visual apparatus by which the notion of heritage can be simulated, displayed, and neutralised. What happened through this process was a framing of the historical material field as a set of architectural aesthetics and budding arts, a set of cultural imaginaries that can be transferred and reproduced solely to create the conceived readers of a 'BaUnese authenticity (compare Al Sayyad 2001:4).

The use of indigenous architecture in the context of the museum of ethnography — and not in the creation of colonial urban civic structures such as schools, hospital and shops — also signals the placement of indigenous architecture as a complete field of 'heritage' made in the past. It was isolated from the colonial production of buut environments. At the same dme, indigenous but forms, such as the wantilan, beU tower and the neighbourhood street pavilions were abandoned.

Visual and physical dimensions of indigenous architecture were given a distinct role within the formation and expansion of the colonial setdement: to restore the existence of a tradition presumably threatened by the urban transformation of the cit}' itself. The indigenous and the urban were framed as two opposing enddes: one represendng the authendc distant past, whUe the other represented the colonial present. The subsequent use of

indigenous architecture in the city has since taken place by means of reproduction of the visual and iconic elements of historical monuments and structures which were conceived to be 'authendcaUy' Balines.

This situation can still be observed in contemporary Denpasar where the use of indigenous architecture is profoundly United within symbolical projects and urban functions, such as the new provincial administrative offices in Renon and the Arts Centre complex. These buildings deliberately project and represent the dominant conception of the cultural identity of the cit}', the Hindu Balinese culture, regardless of the city's muld-ethnic and multicultural population. The transformation of Badung into Denpasar in early twentieth century introduced new layer of urbanism on to the Reading urban Bali 171 nineteenth-century toyal centre.

While Badung's network of streets and public squates was largely maintained during colonial dme, thus maintaining the existing pattern of mobiUt}' and connecdvit}' within the settlements, the economic and poUdcal structure of the colonial rule brought into the city new modes of ethnic interaction — between diverse BaUnese, Javanese, Chinese and Arab traders, and Europeans — and a new ardculadon of urban civic functions. Traditional social hierarchy, which underlay the spatial distribution of the core area of Badung, was significantly affected by the reorganisation of the Denpasar square and the creation of the surrounding suburbs.

In contrast, the areas immediately adjacent to Pud Pemecutan, Pud Satria, and Puri Kesiman largely maintained their existing spatial organisations while developing into denser urban blocks. Their subsequent growth, however, unfolded in connection with the broader urban economies of the colonial administrative centre and the ensuing rapid migradon into the city. A growing number of the local population identified new economic

opportunities within the expansion of Denpasar through leasing part of their compounds as boarding rooms for incoming migrants (Sedawan 1992).

Although the colonial economy of Denpasar largely excluded the participation of the local communit}', the rising demand fot housing and accommodation among migrants gave the locals, regardless of their social status, an opportunity to take part in shaping, and benefiting from, the unfolding expansion of the cit}'. This spontaneous interplay between the indigenous urbanism of Badung and colonial urbanism of Denpasat, however, was shott-Used. The island was not immune from the rise of nadonaUsm which commonly took place in the context of colonial utban development (Vickets 2005).

This led to a radical shift in the colonial government's attitude towards the indigenous culture, which was encapsulated in the adoption of the conservative BaUniseering policy. The policy promoted a return to the 'authentic BaUnese' way in terms of custom, speech, architecture, arts, castes and education (Te FUerhaar 1941; see also Robinson 1995:27-51, Schulte Nordholt 1999; 2000). At the same dme, the first thtee decades of the twentieth century witnessed the rapid growth of the tourist industry on the island, where 'authentic BaUnese' culture and its conceived exotic otherness were marketed as 172 Achmadi ts main commodity. The combination of the rise of conservative and orientalist conceptions of indigenous culture as a primarily non-modern, exotic and static entity produced a view of the evolving urbanism in Denpasar as a threat to authentic Bali. The notion of heritage led to the classification of the urban landscape of Denpasar as either 'traditional' or 'modern' and to the framing of the traditional urban landscape as a series of exotic buildings interpreted and reproduced

through their conceived physical attributes.

Within the subsequent proHferation of the colonial and orientaHst discourses of BaHnese culture, the indigenous built environments and urbanism continued to be conceived as two seemingly unrelated and opposing entities. Such a sentiment was profoundly demonstrated in Miguel Covarrubias' authoritative account of BaH and later on in Don Townsend's framing of contemporary Denpasar as the triumph of the profane. Conclusion

Urban expansion of Badung in the late nineteenth century and the making of the colonial administrative town of Denpasar in the early twentieth century are processes deeply embedded within the transformation of the political order of the time. Underlying these urban expansions are the dynamic relationships between the poHtical configuring and the physical transformations of the capital's built environment where architecture and urban form are used as means to express power relations on the one hand and to accommodate the everyday Hfe of its growing population on the other.

Historicising the physical components of the urban landscape of Denpasar allows us to encounter the inherent productivity of the island's built environment and the types of urbanism that have emerged in such a context. Returning to Denpasar today, urban expansion and transformation continue to characterise the city's development. This process, however, is no longer shaped by a certain urban vision and a creation of an urban landscape that reflect the social and economic spectrum of the city's population.

Read against the city's urban history, the conditions of the built environment in Denpasar today demonstrate a city that is less enthusiastic in cultivating its urban characteristics. Reading urban Bali 173 Figure 10. 'Balinised' shophouses along Jalan Gajah Mada, Denpasar Photographs by the author Instead, gated and

privately owned small-scale housing developments and seasonal entrepreneurship are the driving forces of the segmented urban expansion of the cit)' in the absence of a recognition that the cit)''s population continues to grow at a rapid rate.

In order to survive, Denpasar's growing population has had to undertake the modification of the urban environment themselves, while the urban authority)' condnues to be preoccupied with urban image construcdon projects with a view to safeguarding a certain Balinese cultural idendt)' and heritage of the cit)'. Not only that. The cit)-'s urbanism and cultural identity)' are perceived as two seemingly unrelated and opposing realities; they now evolve and are produced separately.

The recent government-led 'restoration' project of the market street of Denpasar (today's Jalan Gajah Mada), where the Chinese quarter, the Arab quarters, and the indigenous BaUnese Banjar of Senggowan have coexisted through the course of the twentieth century, exemplifies this separation between Denpasar's actual existing urbanism and its conceived cultural identity)' {Bali Post 2003, 2009, 2010). Before the market street can be promoted as part of the cit)''s cultural heritage, a series of architectural restorations has had to be undertaken.

The most obvious visual outcome of the restoradon is the covering of the facade of the shophouse structure with elements and 174 Achmadi materials conceived to be 'tradidonal BaHnese' (figure 10). The multi- ethnic coHecdvism that has long evolved in this part of Denpasar and the diverse urban building typology produced in this setting have now been concealed by the appearance of a certain BaHnese architecture. The architectural imaginary of tradidonal BaH has been given a much more powerful presence than the everyday Hfe complexit)- of the cit)-'s urban economy

and populadon.

The hidden urban Denpasar remains to be an invisible subject on an island where cultural imaginary has come to be seen as the only treaty at the cost of its urban history and urban future. Amanda Achmadi is a senior tutor at the Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne and can be contacted at [email protected] edu. au. Notes 1. The field research undertaken as part of the preparation for this paper was funded by the Early Career Researcher Grant from the Facult}- of Architecture, Building and Planning, the University of Melbourne.

The archival research component of this paper was funded by the Affiliated Postdoctoral Fellowship from the International Institute for Asian Studies and KITLV in Leiden. 2. 1 would Uke to thank the anonymous reviewer of this paper for constructive feedback and for drawing my attention to van Mook's study and his application of the Weberian notion of sides in the context of urban studies in Indonesia. 3. See Schulte Nordholt 1996; 228-229 for his exploration on the layout of Mengwi, the capital of Mengwi kingdom. 4.

While the term keraton or kraton is used in Java to refer to the royal palace complex of central Javanese kingdom, the term puri agung is used in Bali to refer to the royal compound or palace of a ruling court. 5. For development program and mission of the Denpasar munidpal government, see www. denpasarkota. gov. id. 6. For a detailed account of the rise and fall of the Mengwi kingdom and an insight into the role of architecture within the contestation of power within the kingdom, see Schulte Nordholt 1996. Reading urban Ball 175 7.

For

examinadon of power contestadons among the princely courts of Badung in the context of decentraUsation and regional autonomy discourses, see Schulte Nordholt 2007:61-78. 8. See Colombian 2010 for analysis of the interpretations of social characteristics of colonial urban settlements and their postcolonial aftermath. 9. This interaction continues to take place today, as observed in Banjar Senggowan, May 2009.

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